How South Korea Regulates and Protects It’s Elections

Voting for the next South Korea president is already underway with early and shipboard voting having commenced earlier in the week. South Korea’s democracy is a major facet of what makes South Korea a success story. June 3rd will only be South Korea’s 21st presidential election. While it looked like Lee was going to win in a landslide, the conservative candidates have made some serious headway in the last few weeks. But we entered the polling blackout period, one of the many unique ways South Korea tries to regulate, protect, and promote its elections. Let’s take a look at some facets of Korea elections that make the system unique, as they are laid out in the Public Official Election Act (POEA).

Shipboard Voting

We saw the election kick off with the first votes being cast on board sailing vessels. It is astounding how comprehensive the election laws are in South Korea. The POEA uses several articles to set up guidance around shipboard voting, all for a small fraction of South Koreans  Being out to sea poses serious logistical and security challenges for voters. But the creation of voting systems on board over 400 vessels serve as a testament to how committed South Korea is to making sure that anyone who wants to cast a ballot can, regardless of circumstances. According to KBS, over 3000 voters cast their ballots at sea. This is just a drop in the bucket for an election that will see over 44 million people cast their ballots. Yet South Korea takes expensive, complex, and dedicated steps to ensure the people are heard.

23 Days and a Dream – Election Period

Like many democracies, South Korea has limited the campaign periods and set up a slew of laws to ensure that the elections run smoothly and fairly. The election period for the South Korean president is shockingly short, only 23 days long. During this time candidates are out in full force trying to win over voters, but their tools to do so are regulated. If you are accustomed to American elections, this may seem foreign or even undemocratic. However, presidential hopefuls are limited in the amount of ads they can run. Presidential candidates are limited to 1 minute ads that can only be run up to 30 times within the election period. This comes out to just over one TV and one radio advertisement per day, a far stretch from the seemingly perpetual onslaught of American political ads. Limiting the amount of communication that candidates have forces the campaigns to be direct and poignant, only pushing information and narratives that will make the most impact on the election. Limiting the amount of ads to the public goes a long way towards preventing election fatigue amongst the voter base. This limitation on campaign advertisements leads to new creative ways for candidates to get their message across. In 2022, the Asia society covered how the streets of Seoul get transformed during a campaign period, namely in posters and campaign vans. 

Campaign Restrictions

The regulations around South Korean elections are heavily geared towards ensuring that elections are free, fair, but not all-consuming. Article 109 of POEA prevents candidates and their parties from campaigning via phones between the hours of 11pm and 6am. This is just a good common sense idea. No campaign should be calling people in the middle of the night. It would stand to reason that a midnight phone call from any candidate would probably harm their campaign more than anything else. A more laissez faire electoral system would solve this issue by letting voters cast their ballots for the candidates that chose not to harass voters. Instead, South Korea has decided to prevent the harassment from occuring in the first place. Voters do not have the chance to be disenfranchised by toxic and constant political advertising, and candidates are forced to use their resources in different ways that would be more impactful. With a limited amount of advertising space candidates have shown a propensity to run more positive policy centered ads about their own campaigns rather than negative attack ads. This is also why you will not see reporting on how each election becomes even more expensive. Campaigns are not incentivized or even allowed to try and advertise 24/7. Candidates will always need funding, but limiting the amount of ad space available does mean that campaigns are not in a funding war. Many U.S. news outlets and analysts look at the spending done in the U.S. Presidential races as a key indicator of success. Regulating the advertising has also been effective in regulating campaign finances. But article 109 also protects candidates and their staff from being threatened or harassed by phone or other means. This is just one of the many ways that elections are governed to ensure that voters and candidates are protected. 

Phone calls are not uniquely regulated, interviews and campaign speeches are also regulated in a similar fashion. Campaign interview, speech, or debate can not be held after 11pm in most cases (there are some more restrictive measures that would prevent some speeches from being held at 7pm). 

One of the most unique regulations surrounding elections is the use of polling. Opinion polls are prohibited 6 days before an election. Polling so close to election day can pose some serious issues. It is next to impossible to scrutinize or even correct polling within such a short timeframe. This does protect the public from potentially biased or problematic polling. For example, a candidate could try and release polling showing a commanding lead, aimed at disenfranchising opposing voters. A poll showing an insurmountable lead could be released as part of a larger narrative to dissuade voter turnout, as the election would look like it is already decided. But even outside of nefarious forms of polling, it allows the citizens to cast their ballot without worrying their vote will essentially be ignored. South Korea does still use the first-past-the-post voting system, meaning as soon as a candidate wins a majority of the vote they will have won the election. This system essentially silences the votes cast for anyone who did not win, as opposed to a rank choice voting system. This is another example of how South Korea tries to ensure that everyone not only can vote, but feels that their vote truly matters. 

In 2022 we saw this come into play with Yoon Suk-yeol winning just 48.6% of the vote, not even making it to the 50% mark. In a situation where an election is decided with less than 1%, every vote has a little extra weight to it. The use of a first-past-the-post system does mean that every vote that did not go to Yoon, essentially got cast aside. While the voting system is not the sole reason for the political polarization, it is certainly not helping it. 

Election law in any country becomes exceedingly complicated and this is, by no means, an exhaustive analysis of the Public Official Election Act. Rather than trying to understand the entirety of the South Korean election system, I have attempted to lay out unique aspects of the electoral system that truly show South Korea’s commitment to democratic values, while still protecting both voters and candidates. The South Korean electoral system is not perfect, but the core values and common sense approaches try to ensure that elections are for the good of the people and not a burden on the citizenry it serves. 

Kissinger’s Shadow: New Required Reading

Kissinger’s Shadow has been heralded as one of the must-read books in political science and international relations for both students and the every-day history buff . In this piece we will review Kissinger’s Shadow, a monograph by Greg Grandin and see if it truly is a new standard in the field (spoiler: it’s an excellent piece of scholarship). Grandin is a very well published Professor, who taught at New York University before finding a new home at Yale. His research is originally grounded in Latin American history, specifically publishing The Blood of Guatemala. He has since expanded his research to encapsulate a larger international perspective. Outside of his monographs and teaching endeavors, he has continued to write extensively and serve on the board of the publication The Nation. 

Kissinger’s Shadow has been heralded as one of the must-read books in political science and international relations for both students and the every-day history buff . In this piece we will review Kissinger’s Shadow, a monograph by Greg Grandin and see if it truly is a new standard in the field (spoiler: it’s an excellent piece of scholarship). Grandin is a very well published Professor, who taught at New York University before finding a new home at Yale. His research is originally grounded in Latin American history, specifically publishing The Blood of Guatemala. He has since expanded his research to encapsulate a larger international perspective. Outside of his monographs and teaching endeavors, he has continued to write extensively and serve on the board of the publication “The Nation”. 

Kissinger’s Shadow picks up with a young Henry Kissinger, who is still a graduate student at Harvard. From his time as a student, Kissinger has a talent for creating and controlling narratives. His natural understanding of media as well as starting his research at such a prestigious university seemed to have made his transition to government work almost inevitable. Kissinger was able to waltz into the DC with his new fresh perspective. This book does a great job bringing the reader into the backrooms of DC and the decision making during the cold war. Specifically, I would say the source work regarding Kissinger’s time as NSC chair was fantastic. Grandin’s work on Southeast Asia stood out, as it was extremely well researched as well as tells a compelling cold war narrative. Grandin’s background in Latin America served him well, in the sense that his narratives around southeast Asia flow very naturally. He created a detailed story that allows readers who might be unfamiliar with the more intricate details to still follow along naturally. 

One of my favorite aspects of this book is how clearly it ties Kissinger and his actions to the present day. His discussions with Regan where the phrase “Well just fire all the bureaucrats” gets thrown around rings a little different in 2025. Moreover, Kissinger’s thoughts on Panama and its relationship to the projected power of the United States sound eerily familiar. Kissinger is a surprising figure in many ways, but his ability to stick around in Washington after his time in the White House jumped off the page at me. This extended all the way to Hilary Clinton invoking his name during her 2016 presidential run. 

Where this monograph does fall short is in its lack of discussion of US-China relations. Grandin does a phenomenal job demonstrating how Kissinger’s thoughts and philosophical  frameworks continued to shape the world into the 21st century. However, Kissinger’s work with China is notably absent. Kissinger and China are one of the most extensively covered topics, but with Grandin’s unique and detailed perspective it leaves just a little more to be desired. This omission leaves me wondering how Kissinger’s shadow was cast over the Middle Kingdom.  Considering how well researched of a figure Henry Kissinger is, I would not say the field is clamoring for more scholarship to be done. But if I were to recommend one area of research, especially for an audience that stretches beyond academia, would be Kissinger’s family life and his role as a husband and father. It would be fascinating to compare the themes Kissinger discusses in history and philosophy with how he parented. A realpolitik parenting style sounds chaotic to say the least. 

This book is a fantastic telling of one of the most complicated figures in American history. Should this be required reading? I would say so. Maybe not in the sense every single person needs to read this book. Rather, this book is a perfect companion to a 20th century history course. Kissinger’s shadow reaches every continent, making it a fascinating vehicle to explore world history. I would implore every reader of this book to use it as a springboard to start researching a new part of history. This book is beautifully researched and tells a captivating story, it can also lead you down a new path you may never have known was there. 

Election Amidst an Economic War

A rundown of the 2025 Canadian election.

The Canadian election has been a fascinating watch. At first glance, it would appear that we have seen one of the most drastic polling reversals in recent memory. I would rather argue that an unpopular leader left a popular party. While the rate of this change has been fueled by an erratic foreign policy from Canada’s southern neighbor, the change itself was set one way or another. The sudden and unpredictable nature of the new U.S. administration has trumped over most other issues in Canada. However, these issues will still plague whichever party comes out on top. 

Let’s take a look at the polling so far. We can see support for the Liberal party (in red) slowly gaining support since January 6th. The date of this poll was also the day Trudeau announced he was stepping down. Since his resignation, support for the Liberal party has only increased. 1

We do see several major spikes, each occurring on February 23rd, March 17th, and March 23rd. The news and polling is heavily driven by announcements made by U.S. President Donald Trump. The headlines during this timeframe are dominated by news about trade, specifically harm to the Canadian economy. Even when the election is formally underway, the news coverage of the election is dominated by the trade war. Looking at the election, the Liberal party continues to rise after seeing a change in leadership. 

Where we might have seen something change is with the Conservatives. As Poilievere’s image of being a Trump-esque figure has severely backfired. While this has expedited the shift to a Liberal advantage in the polls, I think this will quickly reverse once the election has concluded. The election will still be close, and there is a good chance that the Liberal party will enter into leadership without a clear mandate. The trade war has subsumed all other issues in Canada, including the housing crisis, the cost of living, and environmental issues. The Liberal party is fairing well in standing strong against Trump and his trade war but how they handle the domestic economy is still yet to be seen. Once in power, the new ruling party will have plenty of fires to put out, with the largest one looming across the southern border. 

  1. https://newsinteractives.cbc.ca/elections/poll-tracker/canada/ ↩︎

Referendum Rundown

Welcome to our Referendum Rundown! Our new series on elections from around the world. This series will take a look at elections from around the world. Coverage will cover different aspects of elections including, candidate rundowns, predictions and implications, and results and analysis. Our election coverage will often have a foreign policy angle, as that is our expertise, and it ensures relevance to global audiences. My personal interest and expertise will mean that you can expect coverage to focus on Northeast Asia, specifically South Korea. However, my own intrigue will often lead me to explore  elections from around the pacific. In the coming days you can expect pieces previewing several key elections from around the Indo-pacific. Australia, South Korea, and Canada are all set to have elections in the coming weeks. While other states, like Japan, are inching their way towards a general election in the near future. 

In 2024, the world saw the most people in human history cast their ballots for their respective states. As we have come to see, democracy can be a fragile system.  We should stop and take the time to appreciate the time we live in. Millions of people get to have a voice in the government that rules over them. This concept would be unheard of just a few centuries ago. When each person gets a say in politics, politics becomes messy. The electoral process is  attempting to get a group of people to have a conversation and come to a decision. This conversation becomes increasingly complicated. It’s difficult to have a productive meeting with 5 people talking, let alone millions. This messy, complicated, and fragile system creates equally complicated, and at times, unexpected results. 

Whether or not we will ever see more people vote than in 2024 is yet to be seen. We are in a time of democratic backsliding across the globe, making each election increasingly important to watch. It is our goal to bring you along for the crazy ride that is a world full of vibrant elections from all around the world!

Can the US Withdraw From the United Nations

The United Nations is one of the most widely recognized institutions in the world, bringing together more than 190 nations. The bright blue of the UN has become an international symbol, quickly recognized on flags, boxes of aid, or on military uniforms. The United Nations brings nations together to tackle complex global problems with a complex and global solution. Every day the United Nations works to create and enforce trade and regulatory agreements, peace agreements, aid distribution, scientific collaboration, and more. Joining the UN brings a state into this wide network of resources, that includes major economic institutions like the IMF and WTO. 

The UN isn’t always thought of in such a positive light. It took Switzerland over 50 years to join! The United States has just pulled out of several large organizations within the UN, in a move seeming to distance the world power from the UN. This is not the first UN skeptic move from the United States. In the early 2010’s there were new calls for the United States to leave the UN. With the Trump administration being more transactional and isolationist in nature, this piece seeks to explore the potential for a US withdrawal, not only from the security council, but from the United Nations as a whole. 

Could the US seek to withdraw from the United Nations as a whole? There may be an attempt by either Mr. Trump or his allies to remove the US. No country has ever withdrawn from the nearly 80 year history of the institution. There have been attempts to leave and even attempts to expel members. The issue is that there is no formal mechanism to leave the UN. The UN Charter does provide insight into when a member state can be expelled.  Article 6 of the UN Charter reads as “A Member of the United Nations which has persistently violated the Principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council.” However, this article has never been invoked despite the numerous opportunities that have presented themselves. In most recent history, there were calls by the US media to suspend or expel Russia from the UN due to its invasion of Ukraine. 

There was one instance of a country attempting to withdraw from the UN. Indonesia did intend to withdraw from the UN in 1965. A formal letter was submitted to the General Assembly stating Indonesia’s intent to withdraw from the organization. However, Indonesia would go through a violent change in government later that year. The government that would later rise to power would reverse course and remain a part of the UN. Ultimately, Indonesia is still a member of the UN and one of the emerging economies of the world. 

A formal withdrawal from the United Nations is extremely unlikely for any state, let alone a permanent member of the security council. There is one option that the Trump administration could pursue to further distance the US from the transnational organization. The United States could withdraw any and all funding from the United Nations, and even go as far as to stop sending and form of representation. The Trump administration has shown a propensity to withhold funding to various departments and organizations in just the first few weeks. This nuclear option has not been gaining any sort of meaningful traction, but it remains an option. No one can say for certain how the halls of the General Assembly would feel without an American presence, but there would be a large absence that is sure to be felt. 

Violence in the Capitals – How the Seoul Courthouse Riot is Nothing Like January 6th

Chaos broke out at the Western Seoul District in the early hours of the morning on January 19th. They furiously ran through the court house, destroying and defacing everything in their path. The mob made it as far up as the 7th floor, where the judges’ offices are located. The staff that were working in the building at the time were forced to hide on the roof of the building behind a makeshift barricade. According to reporting by the Korea Times, 63 people have been arrested and formally charged for the violence at the Courthouse. Many traditional media sources, observers, and ordinary citizens are comparing the violence in South Korea, to the violence from January 6th 2021 in Washington DC. 

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South Korean Democracy’s Largest Weakness

South Korea’s National Assembly has impeached a president for the second time in almost 7 years. The former prosecutor has found himself in a legally precarious position. He is facing 2 major investigations. The case focused on his impeachment from office will be heard by the constitutional court starting December 27th. The court has impeach presidents before, this is not uncharted territory. However, this is the first time ⅓ of the bench is vacant. Yoon’s martial law debacle has put the South Korean political system on full display, the good and the bad. The international community has heralded South Korea as one of the strongest democracies in Asia, especially after seeing how civil society reacted to the martial law declaration. However, Yoon’s declaration has exposed a critical flaw in South Korea’s democratic system – judicial appointments. 

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